Party members & organisation

Do young women and men join political parties for different reasons? To investigate, we theorize the following: first, women will be more attracted by social incentives and men by material ones, while purposive incentives will be equally appealing to both; second, before signing up, women will have more party-affiliatedfamily ties than men; and third, these ties will moderate the gender gap in incentives. Drawing on original survey data from over 3,500 youth wing members of the main center-left and center-right parties in Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, and Spain, we find strong support for our argument. Our results show that, already in this early – but crucial – part of the pipeline to power, the incentives for joining parties are gendered: young women are more mobilized by social benefits, and less so by material ones. In addition, they are more likely than men to have party-affiliated family ties, indicating that these resources are particularly valuable to them in overcoming the disadvantages they face when entering politics. Notably, family ties boost women’s purposive motivations more than men’s, but they also reduce women’s material motivations to a greater extent. Our findings suggest that if parties are interested in recruiting more young women, they should emphasize the social rewards of membership in their recruitment campaigns.

Populist radical right (PRR) parties have long been characterised as ‘men’s parties’ due to the overrepresentation of men among their voters and grassroots members. While the gender gap among voters has been extensively investigated, little is known about the extent to which women participate at the grassroots of these parties. My book examines this by asking: How does gender shape the experience of PRR party membership? To do so, it looks both at the ‘supply-side’ of PRR party membership, assessing whether women and men differ in their motivations for joining, motivations for staying, and participation in party activities; and the ‘demand-side’, exploring if PRR parties adopt distinct recruitment and retention strategies for women and men. I focus on three PRR parties which have had profound influence on the politics and societies of their countries: the Bharatiya Janata Party in India, the League in Italy, and the Sweden Democrats. The book draws on a vast collection of original qualitative and quantitative data which includes interviews with over 100 party members and officials from the three parties, in addition to membership surveys of thousands of members of the League and the Sweden Democrats. Arguing that women PRR grassroots members play a central role in the organisational development, electoral expansion and growing normalisation of the populist radical right, this volume casts light on one of the defining political phenomena of our century.

Many of today’s most prominent populist radical right (PRR) leaders in Europe came through their party’s youth wings. Yet we know little about these organisations and how they and their members support their parties. This book, which is not only the first to examine PRR youth wings but is the first in English to look at youth wings of any ideological type, focuses on their structures and agents. Specifically, it considers their organisational features, their relationships with the senior party, their international networks, and their leaders and grassroots members. Covering 10 PRR youth wings from across Europe, and based on extensive interviews, survey data, and document analysis, it finds that youth wings are not merely peripheral future-oriented entities but are central and influential components of their parties in the here and now. The book thus offers a unique window on how youth wings are both supporting the PRR today and helping build the PRR of tomorrow.

Party youth wings are a vital pipeline to power in parliamentary democracies, but have been overlooked by gender and politics scholars. We investigate the political socialization that youth wings offer their women members, focusing on gendered trends as regards two key political attitudes. We ask: Do women and men in youth wings differ in their acquisition of personal efficacy and electoral ambition? Using original survey data from over 3,100 youth wing members in Australia, Austria, Germany, Italy, Spain and Sweden, we find that women are more likely than men to report increased desire to influence party policy and stand as candidates – the latter especially in center-right youth wings. Moreover, the more exposed members are to the youth wing, the larger the gender gaps in the acquisition of efficacy and ambition. Our results suggest that, insofar as women’s political socialization is concerned, youth wings can be forces of renovation within their parties.

Political parties expect their youth wings to recruit and socialize young members into the norms and values of the senior party. However, exposure to youth wings may not necessarily go hand-in-hand with greater attachment to the senior party. This study examines whether youth wings nurture the members parties want using survey data from over 5,000 members of 12 youth wings in six countries. We assess whether length and degree of participation in youth wings are associated with greater ideological alignment and long-term party engagement. The results show that active members are somewhat more ideologically aligned and inclined to remain in the senior party, while passive members display the opposite trend. However, length of membership is associated with reduced aspirations among all for intra-party and public office. Our findings thus indicate that the added value of youth wings as future-oriented socialization vehicles for parties is less than generally assumed.

Young people increasingly withdraw from party politics. However, some still join parties because they believe they can influence them to achieve change. We examine this personal efficacy among contemporary youth wing members and ask: what are the individual and party-level factors that influence their personal efficacy? To do so, we combine the “Political Party Database Base” with the largest original survey of youth wing members conducted, covering ~3,600 members of twelve party youth wings in six democracies. We find that young people who are more active are more efficacious and that efficacy drops after joining but eventually increases for members that stay longer. We also find that greater opportunities for the youth wing to be heard by its party fosters more efficacious youth wing members. Our results show that parties which incentivise participation and integrate their youth wings into senior party increase their members’ personal efficacy and nurtures democratic citizens.

Party youth wings are crucial sites of political socialization, yet it remains unclear how members’ motivations to join translate into political activities. This article examines how youth wing members’ career, policy, and social motivations shape engagement, arguing that the translation of motivations into participation is shaped by membership tenure and organizational context, which structure opportunities for networking and recognition. We draw on a survey of over 3,000 members from ten major centre-right and centre-left youth wings in five Western parliamentary democracies. Our analysis shows that social motivations primarily drive social activities without reducing campaign engagement, policy motivations consistently predict both campaigning and social participation, and career motivations influence activity mainly after longer membership. Party ideology moderates these patterns, with centre-right youth wings strengthening the link between policy and career motivations with campaign activity. These findings refine theories of party activism and guide parties in cultivating committed activists and future elites.

Research consistently shows that LGBTQ+ people form a highly politically engaged group, and recent elections show a growing presence of openly LGBTQ+ candidates and representatives. Yet it remains unclear how political parties facilitate (or constrain) LGBTQ+ political participation from within, and how LGBTQ+ party members themselves understand political representation. This project looks at LGBTQ+ party wings (i.e. formal intra-party organizations designed to promote LGBTQ+ inclusion), by focusing in particular on the experiences and perspectives of their members. We explore why LGBTQ+ party members join their party and its wing; their participation within the party; their political career ambitions; and their experiences with violence within and outside the party. We take intersectional heterogeneity into account, analyzing how gender identity, sexuality, ethnicity, and other social identities shape experiences within the wing and the party. The project is the first systematic comparative study of LGBTQ+ wings across various countries, including Sweden, Spain, Australia and the Netherlands. It combines explorative interviews with executive wing members with a large-scale survey of their grassroots members. Moreover, using an innovative visual conjoint experiment, we test what forms of representation LGBTQ+ members value most, and the trade-offs they are willing to make between descriptive representation (LGBTQ+ or other minority candidates) and substantive representation focused on LGBTQ+ policy issues. In short, this project advances our understanding of the experiences of LGBTQ+ members in political parties and what LGBTQ+ communities themselves view as meaningful political representation.